Shut It All Down

May Day 2020: Significance, history and origin of Labour ...
By Logan Marie Glitterbomb

This may be the year folks. The economy is already mostly shuttered, let’s shut it the rest of the way down! For once a general strike on a massive scale may be an achievable goal. Oh what a joyous May Day indeed.

Last month launched the April 1st rent strike, where almost a third of the citizens of the entire so-called united states refused to pay their rent, either because they could not afford to or in solidarity with others who could not afford to. As unemployment reaches record levels far outpacing that of the Great Depression, rent strikes are only going to increase out of necessity. Hell, even some businesses are participating in the rent strike! Supporters have been gathering to block evictions and help to move people into empty houses. Not to mention that tenant organizers are attempting to reach common ground with landlords by uniting to fight for mortgage freezes, in addition to the calls from tenants to place a moratorium on evictions and utility shut-offs.

Prisoners are on strike in record-breaking numbers worldwide, far outnumbering the participation in previous prisoner strikes over the past few years which had also seen record numbers at the time. I imagine that the fear of dying from a viral plague outweighs the fear of additional punishment or retaliation that inmates face for going on strike. Outside supporters have been rallying outside various prisons in solidarity, while continuing to practice social distancing and proper masking, hygiene, and safety precautions. Many politicians and government officials are even pushing to release non-violent inmates to reduce crowding and thus the spread of disease. Similarly, protesters have also been protesting ICE detention centers and calling for the halt of immigrant detentions and deportations in order to instead practice proper social distancing.

School is already shutdown aside from online classes so here’s the chance to turn off the computer and engage in some good old fashioned unschooling.

Most non-essential businesses are shutdown anyway so it’s a lot easier to avoid purchases for the day.

Debt strikes are not only gaining momentum but some politicians are even proposing debt forgiveness as a bailout for the people.

Many of us are already forced out of work so a work strike won’t be all that difficult for most. And many forced to work in “essential” jobs are already organizing to increase access to PPE, better safety practices, and increased hazard pay. Employees from Amazon, Walmart, Instacart, Whole Food, Target, FedEx, and so many more are pulling off their own strikes to fight for the safety of those who are continuing to work to provide us with the necessities and comforts we need and desire. And while others who are out of work are also protesting to re-open the economy, we have to realize that, while there are the conspiracy theorists among them, many of them do take the pandemic seriously and wish to practice social distancing but have not received any of the financial assistance they were promised from the state and feel they are forced to choose between risking their lives to feed themselves and their families or continuing to self-isolate without income and risk homelessness and starvation. This is the same tough decision that “essential” workers are also faced with and both are shit options. That’s why we need to help find that common ground and fight to establish means of survival that don’t require us to risk our lives for the economy.

This is our year folks. We have every opportunity to make this happen for May Day and to even keep it ongoing if we play our cards right and sustain our communities via mutual aid and alternative distribution networks. So don’t pay rent, don’t attend classes, don’t go to work, don’t buy anything, go on debt strike, support striking prisoners, and together we can show our strength and take back some control in the midst of such chaotic times.

Happy May Day.

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Parole Letters Needed For Ferguson Prisoner Josh Williams

By Anonymous Contributor

Info On How To Help Ferguson Prisoner, Joshua Williams, With Parole Letters.

Josh is up for parole in June of 2020. In order to strengthen his chances for release, he needs letters that attest to his character and the support he’ll have once he’s home. You can write a letter on your own addressed to the parole board, but sent to Josh. There are also online events (below) for people who want to spend time together writing letters. This is a concrete way to support in getting Josh free.

If you have any questions please email:

Send Letters To:

Joshua Williams #1292002
Missouri Eastern Correctional Center
18701 Old Highway 66
Pacific, Missouri 63069

For sample letters and list of online letter writing events, go here.

Join the call to divest from the state and the banking system which subsidize and protect mass incarceration and prison slavery by switching to cryptocurrency today. Take the pledge to exchange at least $1 per day into your choice of altcoin and help #DivestWallStreet

The views in this article may not reflect views or editorial policy of The Green Market Agorist.

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Karl Hess: From Republican Speechwriter to New Left Radical to Libertarian Homesteader

By Jesse Walker

Karl Hess was a journalist, activist, speechwriter, and welder whose work managed to foreshadow both the Tea Party movement and Occupy Wall Street, sometimes simultaneously. As he grew disillusioned with even the militant forms of politics and started putting more faith in the idea of popular access to tools, he also foreshadowed the age of makerspaces and the internet. Forty years ago, a short documentary about him—Karl Hess: Toward Liberty—won an Academy Award. Now he is the subject of another movie, Daniel Tucker’s hour-long Local Control: Karl Hess in the World of Ideas.

Hess’s career began in the 1940s, when the teenaged high-school dropout lied about his age to get an entry-level journalism job in Washington, D.C. He soon found himself not just rising in the ranks of the reporting world—he was an editor at Newsweek back when that meant something—but joining the grungy edges of the 1950s anti-Communist movement. (Among other activities, he helped run guns to a non-Marxist group of rebels in Batista-era Cuba.) By the early 1960s, he had a hand in both the respectable side of the right (he helped compose two GOP platforms and wrote speeches for Richard Nixon) and the less respectable parts (he wrote speeches for Joseph McCarthy too). He played a central role in Barry Goldwater’s presidential campaign in 1964, among other things composing the first draft of the address that declared “extremism in defense of liberty is no vice”—though that particular line was penned by someone else.

And then, in the aftermath of the Goldwater campaign, Hess turned sharply against the Vietnam War. He decided that the individualist spirit that originally drew him to the right was found in more plentiful supply in the counterculture and the New Left. He declared himself an anarchist, condemned corporate hierarchies, joined Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) and the Industrial Workers of the World, and started ghostwriting for the Black Panthers instead of Barry Goldwater. Or maybe I should say he wrote for the Panthers as well as for Goldwater. In the midst of this left turn, Goldwater hired Hess again during his Senate campaign in 1968, which is how America’s leading conservative came to give a speech that declared he had “much in common with the anarchist wing of SDS.”

At the peak of his New Left period, the man who once had worked with Joe McCarthy was praising a platform published by the Provisional Revolutionary Government in South Vietnam. In 1972, when Benjamin Spock ran for president on a radical third-party ticket, Hess was his shadow secretary of education—which helps explain why a party challenging George McGovern from the left had a platform that opposed compulsory schooling and endorsed vouchers.

As Hess’s revolutionary ardor faded, his countercultural tendencies did not. He became deeply interested in Whole Earth Catalog–style ideas about appropriate technology and empowering everyday people with access to tools. He got involved in an elaborate experiment—in some ways very practical-minded, in some ways utopian—to make D.C.’s Adams-Morgan neighborhood a self-sufficient district that grows tomatoes on its roofs and raises fish in vast indoor tanks. (He discussed that effort in his 1979 book Community Technology.) He then moved to West Virginia, where he became a homesteader and something of a survivalist.

In his final decade and a half—he died in 1994—Hess remained a fan of greenish human-scale technologies but also became enthusiastic about the new world of home computers and cyberspace. His politics drifted back toward free-market libertarianism, though he maintained his interest in worker-run enterprises and in ecology. (His ecological interests went back decades: Even in the ’50s, alongside his anti-Communist activities, he wrote about the environmental damage done by big dam projects.) By this point, Hess had developed a deep-seated distrust for abstract ideologies. The first step toward establishing a better world, he argued, was to be a good neighbor.

That just scratches the surface of a wild life, which also included a parallel career as a welder, an attempt to live by barter after the Internal Revenue Service imposed a 100 percent lien on his earnings, and a mid-’60s Ayn Rand phase. It’s impossible to cover the whole story in a 60-minute documentary, and Tucker wisely takes a different approach. The movie is impressionistic, kaleidoscopic, and never entirely linear; it circles Hess’s life, follows several strands of his influence, and never pretends to be a simple story wrapped up with a bow.

Tucker, 36, teaches at Moore College of Art and Design in Philadelphia. Local Control is his second feature-length film, following 2015’s Future Perfect: Time Capsules in Reagan Country. His Hess documentary made its debut at Chicago’s Nightingale Cinema in November 2018; it can now be seen for free online, and I’ve embedded it below. After that, scroll down to read a conversation I had with Tucker in early March.

Jesse Walker: How did you first learn about Karl Hess?

Harper & Row

Daniel Tucker: I was a teenager in the ’90s, I was wandering the stacks at the Louisville Free Public Library, and I came across a book called Community Technology that had a picture of a fish and a brick building on the cover. I had no idea who wrote it. I instantly devoured it and found it very curious and interesting. And then I just stored it in the back of my mind.

I went on to do a fair amount of work related to urban agriculture in Chicago, and I wrote a book in 2010 called Farm Together Now that documented activist farmers across the U.S. In the aftermath, I started thinking about some of the kinds of ideological expressions that I was encountering while interviewing farmers across the country. I wanted to dig into the impulse towards localism and self-sufficiency. So I just kind of casually went on the web and came across a book called Neighborhood Power. I saw there’s this person named Karl Hess who co-authored this and he worked on the Goldwater campaign. And I thought, “That’s so strange. This is such a surprising turn to encounter with this author.”

So I did a little digging around and found out, “Oh, that was the guy who wrote the book that I read in high school.” And so then I started to piece that together. I was compelled to think of Community Technology as a prehistory to today’s urban agriculture movement.

Walker: When did you realize you wanted to make a film about him?

Tucker: Around 2011. Initially, I was having a hard time tracking down material. I didn’t want to use too much of the material that had been used in the previous short film that was made in 1980 about him. I reached out to Therese Hess, Karl Hess’s widow, and it turned out coincidentally that she was living just three hours north of me. I was living in Chicago at the time, and she was living in southwestern Wisconsin.

She replied very quickly and said, “Hey, why don’t you get out here? Karl Jr. is here for the weekend and we’d love to meet you.” So I head up there right away, have a great initial connection with them. Do a little bit of shooting, but nothing too in-depth. At that point, she invites me back to basically go through her entire archive of material. And at the same time, Karl Jr. says, “Next week in L.A. I’m going to be speaking at the 200th meeting of the Karl Hess Supper Club.” And so I just charge my credit card and hop on a plane and go out there and shoot.

There was great fun in just catching these waves and following these threads. For the first year, it was all in that spirit: me following up on opportunities and seeing where they led. And then I had to step back and say, “What kind of project is this? How am I going to shape this?”

Walker: I felt like we were having a bit of a Karl Hess moment around the time you were starting work on the film, when the Occupy and Tea Party movements were both going strong and in a few places were even meeting to see if there were ways they could work together. This period we’re in now feels different to me.

Tucker: It can seem right now that there is a collision taking place on the ideological spectrum, which might have manifested initially in movements like the Tea Party and Occupy Wall Street. I think that Hess’s story helps us to track some of those collisions through to the Trump era, where a much broader range of ideas is on the table and a much more diverse range of people are going to pick them up. But then there is a question of what has not changed—the fundamental impulses towards control over one’s intimate surroundings amidst a more complex society. I think that Hess offered me a way to explore that impulse, but with a nod towards a more inclusive coalition.

Walker: On the right, the impulse right now is more nationalist than localist. On the left, there’s this move away from Occupy anarchism and toward Bernie Sanders social democracy. What do you think this film speaks to in the current moment of ideological crossovers?

Tucker: A lot of it for me has to do with people’s pathways. For instance, does an interest in local food become a pathway to nationalism? Or does it become a pathway into an engagement with other kinds of local issues, either political or ecological? Where does an impulse toward trans rights, which is something that is explored as a thread in the video, lead people to land politically? Of course, there’s no simple answer to that—there are gender-nonconforming people that find themselves across the political spectrum—but the person that is tracked in the course of the project [a trans YouTuber named Candi Rose] at the end of the video ends up saying, “Look, there’s really nowhere for me to land but on the left.”

Walker: She seemed to be in the film partly as someone who was directly influenced by reading Hess’s books, but also as someone going through a transition of her own—obviously very different from the sorts of transitions that Hess went through, but it felt resonant.

Tucker: Yeah, absolutely. The transitions that she went through are not the ones that Hess went through. But I think there’s a way in which the scale of the body, and one’s ability to control one’s own body and one’s own sense of self, is bound up on a more macro level with a lot of the affiliations that Hess had throughout his career.

Walker: Hess sometimes played up the ways he changed his mind over the years, and sometimes he played up the ways his core values stayed the same. Did he strike you ultimately as a man in transition or as an essentially consistent figure who kept finding himself in different contexts?

Tucker: He changed some of his rhetoric over time, but at the end of the day his primary commitments, to individualism and self-sufficiency and local control, were consistent with many of his outward positions throughout, regardless of who he was affiliated with.

My more critical read is that the narrative of exploration and meandering was often more of a self-practiced narrative. And one that had probably more benefit to Hess himself than anyone else. I think that’s why a lot of the organizations that he professed to have a deep investment in, like SDS or the Black Panther Party—at the end of the day, he’s not seen as some kind of ideological leader or godfather in the same way that he is by the libertarians. But he gained a lot of legitimacy as a bridge-builder through the crafting of that narrative.

That said, he did do it. He did interact with people. He did create more experimental forums and spaces. And he showed up at other people’s activities and participated in them. So it’s not a falsehood.

His story tells us so much about how our affiliations matter. Who you spend time with, who you give money to, has implications for your interests and ideology and how you’re read over time. And not just organizational affiliation. Some of it just has to do with social life. Something I gleaned from spending time with people that knew Hess was that regardless of his affiliations, which sometimes were unknown to people who he was spending time with, he had a deep investment in open and improvisatory social relations. He found friendships with people, and those friendships had an impact on him.

Walker: Was there a phase of his career that was more appealing to you than the others?

Tucker: Community Technology was certainly the point of entry. Then I think the next phase that had a strong interest for me—and is not unrelated to that period—is when he was living in West Virginia, because it seemed like he was able to connect really directly in a service capacity to his neighbors through the literacy program that Therese was deeply involved with. I think that, combined with his really tactile engagement of making things as a welder and a woodworker, was another period that was of interest to me. It’s related to the fact that I have an art background, but from my perspective, there is something about having a material engagement with making things that can be a very clear expression, a simple and transparent expression, of one’s ideas and preferences and commitments.

Walker: Is there anything in particular that you hated to see hit the cutting room floor?

Tucker: One thing that was particularly difficult was a moment in which someone read a Karl Hess essay at an Occupy protest, and using the open microphone method where everyone repeats what you say. It was great content, but at a certain point I realized there was so much work that would need to go in to contextualize that that I just couldn’t hold it in.

Walker: Which essay was it?

Tucker: I could look it up and confirm this for sure, but I want to say that it was that “What Are The Specifics?” essay, which is what then I invited [leftist writer] Raj Patel and [conservative writer] Charles Murray to read in the film itself. I invited almost everyone else to read it as well, but I just ended up using the two of them doing it.

Walker: Could you tell me a bit about your background as a filmmaker?

Tucker: This is my second film. I’ve made a couple of shorts too.

I started working on this project around 2011 but didn’t finish it until 2018. One of the reasons I didn’t finish it was that I made another feature-length video essay in the middle of that period, Future Perfect: Time Capsules in Reagan Country. And that was really something that I stumbled across while working on this project. I was trying to get a better context for Goldwater, and I came across this Reagan moment that happened on the stage with Goldwater in ’64. Then I just followed the tangent and stumbled across this Reagan video from the primary that he lost to Gerald Ford, where he talks about writing a letter for a time capsule. And that completely derailed my other project, because I got very excited about the possibility that this time capsule might exist, and that became what that project was about. Part of the reason that it took a long time to finish Local Control was that Future Perfect emerged in the middle of it.

I’m looking to do probably a third one in this series that I think will have to do with conflict resolution. And it also is in dialogue with Hess. There’s a reference in his autobiography to the idea of “little wars”—that he is not interested in big wars but little wars. And I felt like that resonated a lot with some of the questions that are emerging around community justice, whether those are manifested more on the left end of the spectrum, related to restorative justice that doesn’t involve police, or on another end of the spectrum, activities engaged with prepper culture.

That Little Wars project has not begun in terms of video production, but I’ve done a little bit of writing of the theme of it with a collaborator named Rosten Woo.

Walker: One last question. What do you think of the other Karl Hess documentary?

Tucker: I really liked the other Karl Hess documentary. Partially because I feel like it relieved me of having to do some of that work that they did, because they did it effectively. It was a great resource for me to just know, “OK, I don’t have to do all of this. I can have my focus be elsewhere.”

Join the call to divest from the state and the banking system by switching to cryptocurrency today. Take the pledge to exchange at least $1 per day into your choice of altcoin and help #DivestWallStreet

The views in this article may not reflect views or editorial policy of The Green Market Agorist.

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This Week In Fascism #49: Give ‘Em The Boot

Cover Photo from Oakland Roots Radicals
By This Week In Fascism

Welcome, fellow antifascists! This week, we’ve got Austrian fascists getting shut down in Vienna, neo-Confederates getting shut down by a North Carolina bake sale, a teenage duo in Arizona nabbing a Swastika flag from a neo-Nazi at a Bernie Sanders rally, and all this week’s doxxes!

Without further ado, let’s begin!


White Supremacists Threaten Denver Journalist

9News broadcaster Jeremy Jojola filed restraining orders against three white supremacists after they showed up at his house while his wife and daughter were home alone as retaliation for Jojola’s reporting on hate groups in Colorado.

Samuel Cordova, Russell Frankland, and Josh Yeakel posted a selfie they took outside Jojola’s home to the Defend Denver Facebook page. All three are longtime white supremacist activists.

Cordova is a member of the neo-Nazi Patriot Front, and recently pled guilty to a hate crime after vandalizing a local business hosting a Drag Queen Story Hour. Frankland is a former member of the Traditionalist Worker Party who attended a Turning Point USA event at Colorado State University in 2018, where they attempted to attack protesters. Yeakel is a member of the Daily Stormer forums and a former TWP member who attended an anti-Muslim ACT for America event in 2017.

This isn’t the first brush Jojola’s had with members of the far-Right. In December, after the the reporter aired a series on hate groups in Denver, he received threats from Proud Boy Joshua Michael.

Anti-Choice, Neo-Fascist Groups In Mexico Attempt To Disrupt Women’s March

Scott Campbell reports that:

At the #8M march in Mexico City, anti-choice groups throw up fascist salutes, hurl slurs at marchers and pray in front of Metropolitan Cathedral (which itself was of course built on top of the main Mexica temple in Tenochtitlán).

Fascists held signs that read that abortion was the “biggest” femicide, in an attempt to downplay the growing explosion of women being killed everyday across Mexico.

Neo-Nazi Flies Swastika Flag At Bernie Rally, Gets It Snatched, Gets Doxxed, Loses YouTube Channel

A neo-Nazi who unfurled a swastika flag at a Bernie Sanders rally had his flag snatched, and was identified by activists, who subsequently launched a successful pressure campaign to deplatform him from YouTube.

Robert Sterkeson interrupted the March 5th rally in Phoenix, Arizona, by flying a Nazi flag and shouting antisemitic slurs. The flag was quickly snatched by a Jewish teenager and his college-age Persian friend. After video of the incident appeared online, Sterkeson was initially cautiously identified by CAIR Arizona Executive Director Imraan Siddiqi, and that identification was confirmed by antifascist collective Panic! in the Discord.

Activists immediately launched a campaign to deplatform Sterkeson from YouTube. Sterkeson was banned from YouTube less than a day after the campaign began.


Van Ramsey Laws-Spencer, Iron March Member And Active Duty Marine, Camp Pendleton, CA

Van Ramsey Laws-Spencer, an active duty Marine in Camp Pendleton, CA, was identified as both Ozymandias and Turok in the Iron March leaks.

If you would like to contact Camp Pendleton, the Marine Corps base at which Laws-Spencer is currently serving, you may call (760) 725-4111 or send a message to their Facebook page.

Roger Hoekstra, Proud Boy In Carrier Mills, Illinois

Roger Hoekstra was exposed a member of the hate group the Proud Boys this week.

Hoekstra uses his Facebook page to spread anti-Black and anti-Muslim propaganda. He shared a link to the video of the Christchurch shooting, where 51 Muslims were murdered and another 49 wounded, on a Facebook page that he operates.

His LinkedIn profile lists him as an employee of Stratmar, a marketing services company with an office in Chicago.

You can contact Stratmar to tell them that their employee, Roger Hoekstra, is a member of a violent hate group via their online contact page.

Josh Williams, Groyper And Neo-Nazi In Chickasha, Oklahoma

Josh Williams, a neo-Nazi and fan of Nick Fuentes’ white nationalist Groyper movement, was exposed by Antifa Garfield this week.

He derives his income from his RedBubble shop, FashLordSupreme, which activists quickly deplatformed.


White Nationalist Tom Kawczynski Booted From Podcast Service

White nationalist Tom Kawczynski had his coronavirus podcast removed from premium podcast provider Luminary this week, after journalist Hilary Sargent alerted the service to the far-Right activist’s presence.

As documented by Sargent via a careful examination of Kawczynski’s Telegram posts, the white nationalist planned to use fears about the coronavirus to build support for a white ethnostate.

Journalist Crash Barry released a clip of Kawczynski admitting that he had maxed out his credit cards stockpiling food to prepare for the virus.

Brittany Pettibone Deplatformed From… Greece

Brittany Pettibone, along with husband Martin Sellner and eight other members of Generation Identity, were deplatformed from the entire country of Greece this week.

After Turkey announced that it would no longer stop Syrian refugees from crossing the Greek border, far-Right vigilantes have flocked to Greece to exploit the fears of migrants and build support for ultranationalist movements, often with violent results.

The members of Generation Identity were told by to leave the country by Greek security services.


Carbs Against Confederates! South Fails To Rise Again In The Face Of Militant Bake Sale

The UNC Black Congress countered a neo-Confederate rally this week with an anti-racist demonstration and bake sale in Chapel Hill.

As a result of the anti-racist protesters presence, the neo-Confederates were unable to hold their rally.

Antifascists Show Up Early, Fascists Can’t Hold Rally In Vienna

Martin Sellner and his Generation Identity goons attempted to rally in Lueger Plaza, around a statue of far-Right Austrian politician Karl Lueger, an antisemite who served as Mayor of Vienna in the late 19th and early 20th century.

However, antifascist protesters arrived early and surrounded the statue, leaving Sellner and his crew of haircuts standing on the sidelines, unable to hold their rally.

Call To Action

Antifascists in the Denver area are in need of support for standing up to neo-Nazis:

As you may or may not remember, on Halloween weekend 2019, members of the Goyim Defense League (GDL) launched a widespread attack on the Denver/Boulder area. This group of especially cowardly fascists dropped an anti-Semitic banner over a major area highway, harrassed Jewish owned bussinesses, residents of predominantly Jewish neighborhoods, and people minding their own business at Denver and Boulder tourist attractions. In one instance, their arrogance and need for attention resulted in a confrontation with community defenders that resulted in several arrests and charges against the group of defenders. Some of those defenders have made the brave and difficult decision to not accept extremely attractive plea deals from a state with a weak position and take their cases to trial. They desperately need funding for this fight.

Decent people everywhere will continue to fight fascism when it rears it’s dispicable, cruel, violent and ugly face. That means that the State will continue to repress those heroic individuals and groups and therefore, these cases will continue to occur. We are asking that you pledge any amount you can and more than that, PLEASE BOOST THIS SIGNAL! This is a second fundraiser for this defense and though the first was quite successful, it wasn’t nearly enough to pay for several trials that we now know we’re going to be facing down. As with the earlier fundraiser, any funds remaining after legal defense for this action is covered will be refunded upon request and otherwise donated to a legal defense seed fund for those who resist fascist oppression and are inevitably met with state repression as a reward for their bravery. Having this type of funding on hand is a vital part of fully functioning anti-fascist communities of any size or form. Mutual aid is action after all!

Donate here.

Support Our Prisoners

  • Support Gage Halupowski! Currently serving a six year sentence. More info here.
  • Support David Campbell! Currently serving a year. More info here.
  • Support Eric King! Anarchist and antifascist prisoner who has been targeted by the State and neo-Nazi inmates for being ‘ANTIFA.’ More info hereDonate here.

Join the call to divest from the state and the banking system by switching to cryptocurrency today. Take the pledge to exchange at least $1 per day into your choice of altcoin and help #DivestWallStreet

The views in this article may not reflect views or editorial policy of The Green Market Agorist.

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See You In April: A Month Of Action For Bomani Shakur

By Revolutionary Abolitionist Movement

Call To Participate In A Month Of Solidarity With Political Prisoner, Bomani Shakur.

This April, 2020, we invite you to participate in a month of actions and events for comrade Bomani Shakur.

Bomani Shakur has been showering our world with beautiful gifts. His words and actions haven’t missed a beat in elevating those he knows and even those he has never met. Shakur is best known for the 1993 Lucasvile Uprising, a rebellion inside the walls of an Ohio prison against tyranny and harsh conditions.

In the aftermath Bomani was falsely accused of having murdered prisoners and having “led a death squad.” No physical evidence connects him to the murders that took place when the prison in Lucasville was in uprising. The verdict itself only came about due to a forced testimony by a prisoner turned snitch. In 2004 Bomani wrote a book called Condemned, to highlight his life and the truth about what happened. Prisoners organizing, confronting their oppressor and the organizers being attacked by the state as retaliation is nothing new. In 1971 prisoners in San Quentin, California revolted, George Jackson was killed and Hugo Pinell would spend the following 44 years in California’s harshest prisons only to be stabbed to death in 2015 by white supremacists. It’s important to recognize that prisoners stand up, organize and are attacked by the state for it. In response, the prisoner strikes back by persevering, surviving and continuing to build with fellow prisoners and those of us on this side of the wall.

As we see with letters, articles or the book Bomani wrote, the message carried by his words have touched people inside and out and spread far. How could a man sitting on death row, his execution date only three years away, be the source of so much kindness and inspiration?

It is because, as he says, this situation is much bigger than him. This is about the entire movement.

It is about how we come together, learn how to work together, and prepare to unseat those in power who are running the most efficient life destroying machine: the prison system.

He is clear how this works on his end: he’s not interested in allowing others to characterize him as unsuccessful, as a victim. He doesn’t want activists crowding around, showing pity. It is not for them to decide who he is and if he is successful. Success has already begun the day you decide to get up and do something about the situation. He is looking for collaborators, people who understand and want to struggle together.

This is where we come in. The fact that the state has set Bomani Shakur’s date of execution is not a moment of tragedy or for despair, but a moment to build from, and to be moved to action.

This is how we follow his excellent example and this is how we turn this situation against the state. Their system thrives off despair. We will build our bonds of solidarity, lines of communication, respectful dialogue, and comradely exchange. We will amplify the words of Bomani Shakur, and become an impenetrable and irretractable force; a force for life, a force for comradeship. We will be as kind and accepting to our comrades and those hunted by the state, as we are dangerous to and unrelenting against the prisons.

We begin with April: a month of solidarity actions with Bomani. Please join in this initiative by: holding a letter writing event, screening the movie about the Lucasville uprising, putting up posters, posting about it on social media, hanging banners, inviting Bomani to do a call-in event with you and your comrades, or any other action or event that raises his profile and builds the kind of movement that is a reflection of his steadfastness and generosity.

April is the anniversary month of the Lucasville prison uprising: a powerful decision to stand up and reclaim a life of dignity and an example of the power of unity among prisoners. This month is to raise awareness about Bomani and his contributions, and by doing so, to build stronger connections with one another, and with comrades inside.

Join together with us and carry forward Bomani’s strength and spirit!

From Your Comrades In:

Antifa Sacramento
Atlanta Abolition
Blue Ridge ABC
Revolutionary Abolitionist Movement
Page One Collective
The Green Market Agorist

To sign on to this call, message:


Poster to download

The movie The Shadow of Lucasville:

Zines about Lucasville:

Write to Bomani:

Address letters to: Bomani Shakur

Keith LaMar, #317-117
878 Coitsville-Hubbard Road
Youngstown, OH, 44505

Bomani’s Book:

Articles by Bomani:

Support Websites:


Join the call to divest from the state and the banking system which subsidize and protect mass incarceration and prison slavery by switching to cryptocurrency today. Take the pledge to exchange at least $1 per day into your choice of altcoin and help #DivestWallStreet

The views in this article may not reflect views or editorial policy of The Green Market Agorist.

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